In the second part of a series on Pyongyang’s domestic media coverage, Kyle Pope examines the portrayal of the chief actors involved in the high politics of summits: the leaders of the two Koreas.
Moon Jae-in’s policy toward the North is not the Sunshine Policy of his progressive forebears. Indeed, South Korean political culture leans conservative, especially regarding national security. Steven Denney and Christopher Green make the case.
How were previous inter-Korean summits covered by North Korean media? In part one of a two-part series, Kyle Pope digs into material at the Ministry of Unification’s North Korea Documents Center for answers.
President Trump used his first State of the Union address to criticize North Korea for its human rights abuses. Trump’s framing contrasts sharply with the somewhat positive messaging coming from Seoul. Leif-Eric Easley compares and contrasts.
It should have surprised nobody that Pyongyang would seek to capitalize on South Korea’s desire to host a positive, peaceful and perhaps even profitable Winter Olympics in Pyeongchang next month. But how does the South Korean public feel about it?
The Rangoon Bombing of 1983 remains a piece of hidden history, only to be fully illuminated when the division of the two Koreas comes to an end. In the meantime, the archives of the ROK government give evidence of what motivated the attack. Let Eungseo Kim look back and be your guide.
Sino-NK doesn’t review many novels, but that doesn’t mean fiction is irrelevant. Quite the opposite. Here, Robert Lauler reviews the latest book by “Because I Hate Korea” author Jang Kang-myung, in which he sketches out a disturbing, dystopian portrait of a future unified Korea.
It is both necessary and interesting to take regular snapshots of identity. South Korea just did so. The “Korean identity survey” was conducted for the third time in 2015, and the results have now been published. Steven Denney parses the data.