North Korean television occasionally features political “talk shows.” This essay looks at one example, and analyses how the North Korean state manages to modulate its propaganda message.
Take the slow train to Harbin and you’ll arrive right at the locus of fractious Northeast Asian history: the spot where Korean nationalist Ahn Jung-geun killed the first Resident-General of Korea Ito Hirobumi in 1909. With support from an Academy of Korean Studies grant, Steven Denney and Christopher Green try to get behind the national narrative(s).
Sometimes it is possible to forget that among all the narcotics and nuclear weapons, North Korea also engages in licit businesses. Much of it takes place in the country’s near abroad, and during Sino-NK’s recent AKS research trip to Manchuria, Christopher Green took time to think it over.
On February 10, KBS broadcasted an exclusive interview with the executive director of POSCO Corporate Strategic Planning Dept. I, Jeon Woo-sik, during which Jeon gave on overview of a forthcoming port inspection at Rajin by three major Korean firms. Christopher Green translates.
When the Kim regime arrested, tried and swiftly executed Jang Sung-taek in December 2013, it was implementing the ancient maxim about the relative power of regents and monarchs, and following the ruthless logic of autocracy everywhere. Machiavelli would not have been in the least bit surprised by the death, as Christopher Green investigates in another of his columns for Groove Korea.
“North Korea is not one man, and Kim Jong-un, while one man, is not North Korea,” argues Christopher Green in a monthly column for Groove Korea, a Seoul-based magazine aimed at the country’s burgeoning community of English-speaking expats.
A South Korean lawmaker reports that North Korea and China concluded an agreement on a high-speed rail link from Kaesong to Beijing on the very day that Jang Sung-taek was arrested. Christopher Green investigates.
It barely made a splash back home, but a recent SPA decree establishing economic development zones nationwide attracted great international attention. Should it have been so? Chosun Ilbo takes a firm stance, and Christopher Green watches on.
South Korea appears to have a rich and varied mediasphere. However, over the last two years there has been conflict over the role of “jongpyeon” media companies TV Chosun, Channel-A, JTBC and MBN. The connection to inter-Korean relations is worth noting. Christopher Green explains.
One of the most common South Korean military buzzwords of recent months is “Kill Chain.” It sounds scary and pregnant with deterrence capability, but does it work? Hankyoreh and Professor Choi Jong-kun of Yonsei University think not. Christopher Green summarizes the argument.
Nothing looms larger in the rear view mirror of South Korea’s democratic legacy than the South Jeolla Province city of Gwangju and the events that took place there in May 1980. That same democratization narrative was again abused in May 2013, this time along with some defector testimony of a most curious disposition.