The results of a recent survey conducted by Chosun Ilbo of visa-holding North Koreans in the Sino-North Korean borderlands offer a rare, if imperfect, glimpse of domestic public opinion in the DPRK. Christopher Green analyzes the findings.
North Korean television occasionally features political “talk shows.” This essay looks at one example, and analyses how the North Korean state manages to modulate its propaganda message.
Take the slow train to Harbin and you’ll arrive right at the locus of fractious Northeast Asian history: the spot where Korean nationalist Ahn Jung-geun killed the first Resident-General of Korea Ito Hirobumi in 1909. With support from an Academy of Korean Studies grant, Steven Denney and Christopher Green try to get behind the national narrative(s).
Sometimes it is possible to forget that among all the narcotics and nuclear weapons, North Korea also engages in licit businesses. Much of it takes place in the country’s near abroad, and during Sino-NK’s recent AKS research trip to Manchuria, Christopher Green took time to think it over.
On February 10, KBS broadcasted an exclusive interview with the executive director of POSCO Corporate Strategic Planning Dept. I, Jeon Woo-sik, during which Jeon gave on overview of a forthcoming port inspection at Rajin by three major Korean firms. Christopher Green translates.
When the Kim regime arrested, tried and swiftly executed Jang Sung-taek in December 2013, it was implementing the ancient maxim about the relative power of regents and monarchs, and following the ruthless logic of autocracy everywhere. Machiavelli would not have been in the least bit surprised by the death, as Christopher Green investigates in another of his columns for Groove Korea.
“North Korea is not one man, and Kim Jong-un, while one man, is not North Korea,” argues Christopher Green in a monthly column for Groove Korea, a Seoul-based magazine aimed at the country’s burgeoning community of English-speaking expats.