Anthony Rinna returns with a look at how the history of international relations in late 19th and early 20th Northeast Asia can help inform us of the possible future trajectory of Beijing-Moscow ties.
What is the state of Sino-DPRK and Russia-DPRK relations? A quick glance might led one to think there is total Chinese and Russian policy convergence vis-a-vis Korea, but the evidence indicates significant differences in how Moscow and Beijing see the DPRK. Anthony Rinna explains.
Anthony Rinna considers how the Kremlin and Washington differ in their views on China’s role in the Korea crisis by looking at Russian and American think tank research.
Adam Cathcart looks at the end of the Korean War and its resonance today from an American perspective. Cathcart argues that Trump is in many respects in Korea acting more like an ex-President than a conventional, active one.
What do we know about what the Russian government knows about North Korea, and what policy advice is coming out of Moscow and the Russian Far East? Anthony Rinna pivots back to this question and emerges with some surprising conclusions.
How has the unique history of Yanbian shaped the outlook of ethnic Koreans in China? Based on fieldwork and a new academic study of Korean identity, Steven Denney and Christopher Green investigate.
To what extent do American policy analysts cover connections between the Russian Federation and the the Korean Peninsula? Not much, Anthony Rinna shows in his first part of a two-part series on the state of Korea-Russia analysis in major US think tanks.
Chinese pressure on North Korea during 2017 served to accelerate declining relations between the two. Now, with peace ostensibly looming, China wants to reverse course. Tom Fowdy looks at the challenges faced.
In the second part of a series on Pyongyang’s domestic media coverage, Kyle Pope examines the portrayal of the chief actors involved in the high politics of summits: the leaders of the two Koreas.
Moon Jae-in’s policy toward the North is not the Sunshine Policy of his progressive forebears. Indeed, South Korean political culture leans conservative, especially regarding national security. Steven Denney and Christopher Green make the case.
How were previous inter-Korean summits covered by North Korean media? In part one of a two-part series, Kyle Pope digs into material at the Ministry of Unification’s North Korea Documents Center for answers.
If you are going on a long journey, you should pack a map. Then, why would the US enter into a diplomatic process with North Korea without any discernible strategic outline of how it will get to its goals? Mintaro Oba calls for a Korean peninsula roadmap.
A lecturer in Finance and Economics at Dongbei University, Tom Eck is skeptical about the inter-Korean thaw of early 2018 for several reasons. Drawing on the German example and public opinion data from the 2017 Unification Perception Survey, he explains why.
It should have surprised nobody that Pyongyang would seek to capitalize on South Korea’s desire to host a positive, peaceful and perhaps even profitable Winter Olympics in Pyeongchang next month. But how does the South Korean public feel about it?
Squeezed between Pyongyang’s nuclear trajectory, Trump and Abe’s enthusiastic pursuit of “maximum pressure,” and THAAD-induced bilateral stress emanating from Beijing, Moon Jae-in is attempting to protect not only the interests of the Republic of Korea, but also its place in the world.